【热点】百名美“中国通”联名致信特朗普：敌视中国将“适得其反”！外交部回应：我们对中美关系有信心

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【热点】百名美“中国通”联名致信特朗普：敌视中国将“适得其反”！外交部回应：我们对中美关系有信心

Original 甲申翻译甲申翻译 2021-03-17

本文来源 |英文文本来源：外交部官网，新民晚报，中国经济周刊，华盛顿邮报 The Washington Post，版权归原作者所有, 仅供学习与研究。如果侵权, 请提供版权证明, 以便尽快删除。

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7月3日，美国《华盛顿邮报》刊登了一封致美国总统特朗普以及美国国会成员的公开信，标题为《中国不是敌人》（China is not an enemy）。

公开信由100名美国学术界、外交政策界、军队以及商业界的资深亚洲及中国问题专家联合签署。麻省理工学院教授傅泰林(M. Taylor Fravel)、美国前驻华大使芮效俭（J. Stapleton Roy）、卡内基国际和平基金会高级研究员史文（Michael D. Swaine）、美国国务院前代理助理国务卿董云裳（Susan Thornton）和哈佛大学荣休教授傅高义（Ezra F. Vogel）领衔撰写，其他95位“中国通”联合署名（共100人）。

公开信从7个方面论证美国的许多行动导致了美中关系的“螺旋式下降”，并在最后指出，联署此信的人数如此众多，正表明，在华盛顿并不存在必须与中国全面为敌的压倒性共识。

美国目前应对中国令美不安行为的做法从根本上具有反效果；

专家们开门见山表示，对日益恶化的美中关系深感担忧，认为这不符合美国和全球的利益。中国不是经济上的敌人，也不对美国构成国家安全方面的威胁以至于到需要全面对抗的程度，而正是美国的许多行动直接促成了两国关系的螺旋式下降。

1. China’s troubling behavior in recent years — including its turn toward greater domestic repression, increased state control over private firms, failure to live up to several of its trade commitments, greater efforts to control foreign opinion and more aggressive foreign policy — raises serious challenges for the rest of the world. These challenges require a firm and effective U.S. response, but the current approach to China is fundamentally counterproductive.

竞争与合作平衡，才能加强中国内部温和务实、建设性的声音；

公开信认为，“美国试图将中国视为敌人，并在全球经济中与其脱钩，这将损害美国的国际地位和声誉，并损害所有国家的经济利益。美国的反对无法阻止中国经济的继续扩张、中国企业在国际市场占有率继续提高以及中国在国际问题上扮演更大角色。”

2. We do not believe Beijing is an economic enemy or an existential national security threat that must be confronted in every sphere; nor is China a monolith, or the views of its leaders set in stone. Although its rapid economic and military growth has led Beijing toward a more assertive international role, many Chinese officials and other elites know that a moderate, pragmatic and genuinely cooperative approach with the West serves China’s interests. Washington’s adversarial stance toward Beijing weakens the influence of those voices in favor of assertive nationalists. With the right balance of competition and cooperation, U.S. actions can strengthen those Chinese leaders who want China to play a constructive role in world affairs.

美中脱钩，与中国为敌，不能阻止中国继续崛起，却会损害美国自己；

更进一步来说，“美国不能在不损害自身的情况下显著减缓中国的崛起。如果美国向盟友施压，迫使其将中国视为经济和政治敌人，那么这将削弱美国与这些盟国间的关系，最终被孤立的将是华盛顿，而不是北京。”

3. U.S. efforts to treat China as an enemy and decouple it from the global economy will damage the United States’ international role and reputation and undermine the economic interests of all nations. U.S. opposition will not prevent the continued expansion of the Chinese economy, a greater global market share for Chinese companies and an increase in China’s role in world affairs. Moreover, the United States cannot significantly slow China’s rise without damaging itself. If the United States presses its allies to treat China as an economic and political enemy, it will weaken its relations with those allies and could end up isolating itself rather than Beijing.

对中国取代美国成为全球领袖的担忧被夸大；

公开信认为，对中国可能取代美国成为全球领袖的担心被夸大了。“以零和的方式处理中国的角色只会鼓励中国要么从现有体系中脱钩，要么支持国际秩序的分裂，这会伤害西方的利益。”

4. The fear that Beijing will replace the United States as the global leader is exaggerated. Most other countries have no interest in such an outcome, and it is not clear that Beijing itself sees this goal as necessary or feasible. Moreover, a government intent on limiting the information and opportunities available to its own citizens and harshly repressing its ethnic minorities will not garner meaningful international support nor succeed in attracting global talent. The best American response to these practices is to work with our allies and partners to create a more open and prosperous world in which China is offered the opportunity to participate. Efforts to isolate China will simply weaken those Chinese intent on developing a more humane and tolerant society.

与盟国合作保持威慑才是应对中国军力增长明智做法；

专家们的结论是：成功的美国对华政策必须着眼于与其他国家建立持久的联盟，以对经济和安全目标提供支持。它必须基于对中国的看法、利益、目标和行为的现实评估。

5. Although China has set a goal of becoming a world-class military by midcentury, it faces immense hurdles to operating as a globally dominant military power. However, Beijing’s growing military capabilities have already eroded the United States’ long-standing military preeminence in the Western Pacific. The best way to respond to this is not to engage in an open-ended arms race centered on offensive, deep-strike weapons and the virtually impossible goal of reasserting full-spectrum U.S. dominance up to China’s borders. A wiser policy is to work with allies to maintain deterrence, emphasizing defensive-oriented, area denial capabilities, resiliency and the ability to frustrate attacks on U.S. or allied territory, while strengthening crisis-management efforts with Beijing.

应当鼓励中国参与新的或经过修改的全球体系，让中国有更大发言权；

对于中国对国际社会与国际秩序的重要作用，公开信中写道，“中国的参与对国际体系的存续以及对像气候变化这样的共同议题采取有效措施来说，至关重要。美国应鼓励中国参与新的或修正过的国际制度。在这些新制度中，新兴大国可以有更大的发言权。”

6. Beijing is seeking to weaken the role of Western democratic norms within the global order. But it is not seeking to overturn vital economic and other components of that order from which China itself has benefited for decades. Indeed, China’s engagement in the international system is essential to the system’s survival and to effective action on common problems such as climate change. The United States should encourage Chinese participation in new or modified global regimes in which rising powers have a greater voice. A zero-sum approach to China’s role would only encourage Beijing to either disengage from the system or sponsor a divided global order that would be damaging to Western interests.

美国应致力于建立国际合作，增强自身竞争力，而不是试图破坏和遏制中国与世界的接触。

“说到底，美国必须重塑其在变化的世界中参与竞争的能力，并与其他国家和国际组织通力合作，而不是推动与国际社会发展背道而驰的主张、削弱并遏制中国在世界的参与。这样才能实现美国自身的利益最大化。”

7. In conclusion, a successful U.S. approach to China must focus on creating enduring coalitions with other countries in support of economic and security objectives. It must be based on a realistic appraisal of Chinese perceptions, interests, goals and behavior; an accurate match of U.S. and allied resources with policy goals and interests; and a rededication of U.S. efforts to strengthen its own capacity to serve as a model for others. Ultimately, the United States’ interests are best served by restoring its ability to compete effectively in a changing world and by working alongside other nations and international organizations rather than by promoting a counterproductive effort to undermine and contain China’s engagement with the world.

信的结尾写道：

“我们认为，这封公开信得到大量签名就清楚地表明，不像有些人认为的那样，华盛顿并没有一个共识支持对华整体对抗的立场。”

We believe that the large number of signers of this open letter clearly indicates that there is no single Washington consensus endorsing an overall adversarial stance toward China, as some believe exists.

目前公开信已经受到美国媒体的广泛关注和转载。

在这100位专家中，不少都是“中国通”，对于中国的发展非常关注，并且对于中国有着非常深入的研究。

哈佛大学荣休教授傅高义，是《邓小平时代》一书的作者，在他看来，美苏冷战时期，两边的贸易、合作非常少。而现在美国有35万的中国留学生，几百万中国人曾在美国就业，中美间的商业、社会、经济关系是分不开的。特朗普造成的麻烦是有的，但“全面脱钩”是完全不可能的。中美两国的关系已经太密切了。如何避免冲突，才是我们今天需要考虑的事情。

美国前驻华大使芮效俭近日在纽约表示，美国应务实处理对华关系，摒弃意识形态，充分重视两国关系中的合作层面。并指出，美国如何看待中国的崛起及中国的发展道路，深刻影响其处理对华关系的措施。过去40多年来，美国对华政策在实用主义和意识形态间摆动。实用主义凸显美中双边关系中的合作面，而意识形态做法则过于关注双方竞争层面。芮效俭认为，本届美国政府缺乏明确的外交政策，给美中关系发展带来诸多不确定性。目前美国决策层对日益发展的中国存在某种恐慌，容易过分纠缠于双边关系中的竞争问题。

公开信全文

（向上滑动启阅）

China is not an enemy

By M. Taylor Fravel , J. Stapleton Roy , Michael D. Swaine ,

Susan A. Thornton and Ezra Vogel

July 3

Dear President Trump and members of Congress:

We are members of the scholarly, foreign policy, military and business communities, overwhelmingly from the United States, including many who have focused on Asia throughout our professional careers. We are deeply concerned about the growing deterioration in U.S. relations with China, which we believe does not serve American or global interests. Although we are very troubled by Beijing’s recent behavior, which requires a strong response, we also believe that many U.S. actions are contributing directly to the downward spiral in relations.

The following seven propositions represent our collective views on China, the problems in the U.S. approach to China and the basic elements of a more effective U.S. policy. Our institutional affiliations are provided for identification purposes only.

M. Taylor Fravel is a professor of political science at MIT. J. Stapleton Roy is a distinguished scholar at the Wilson Center and a former U.S. ambassador to China. Michael D. Swaine is a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Susan A. Thornton is a senior fellow at Yale Law School’s Paul Tsai China Center and a former acting assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs. Ezra Vogel is a professor emeritus at Harvard University.

The above individuals circulated the letter, which was signed by the following:

●James Acton, co-director, Nuclear Policy Program and Jessica T. Mathews Chair, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

●Craig Allen, former U.S. ambassador to Brunei from 2014–2018

●Andrew Bacevich, co-founder, Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft

●Jeffrey A. Bader, former senior director for East Asia on National Security Council 2009-2011 and fellow, Brookings Institution

●C. Fred Bergsten, senior fellow and director emeritus, Peterson Institute for International Economics

●Jan Berris, vice president, National Committee on United States-China Relations

●Dennis J. Blasko, former U.S. Army Attaché to China, 1992-1996

●Pieter Bottelier, visiting scholar, School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University

●Ian Bremmer, president, Eurasia Group

●Richard Bush, Chen-Fu and Cecilia Yen Koo Chair in Taiwan Studies, Brookings Institution

●Jerome A. Cohen, faculty director, US-Asia Law Institute, New York University

●Warren I. Cohen, distinguished university professor emeritus, University of Maryland

●Bernard Cole, former U.S. Navy captain

●James F. Collins, U.S. ambassador to the Russian Federation 1997-2001

●Gerald L Curtis, Burgess Professor Emeritus, Columbia University

●Toby Dalton, co-director, Nuclear Policy Program, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

●Robert Daly, director, Kissinger Institute on China and the U.S., Wilson Center

●Michael C. Desch, Packey J. Dee Professor of International Affairs and director of the Notre Dame International Security Center

●Mac Destler, professor emeritus, University of Maryland School of Public Policy

●Bruce Dickson, professor of political science and international affairs, George Washington University

●David Dollar, senior fellow, Brookings Institution

●Peter Dutton, senior fellow, U.S.-Asia Law Institute; adjunct professor, New York University School of Law

●Robert Einhorn, senior fellow, Brookings Institution; former assistant secretary of state for nonproliferation, 1999-2001

●Amitai Etzioni, University Professor and Professor of International Affairs, George Washington University

●Thomas Fingar, Asia Pacific Research Center, Stanford University; former deputy director of national intelligence for analysis, 2005-2008

●Mary Gallagher, political science professor and director of the Lieberthal-Rogel Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan

●John Gannon, adjunct professor, Georgetown University; former chairman of the National Intelligence Council, 1997-2001

●Avery Goldstein, David M. Knott Professor of Global Politics and International Relations, University of Pennsylvania

●Steven M. Goldstein, associate of the Fairbank Center; director of the Taiwan Studies Workshop at Harvard University

●David F. Gordon, senior advisor, International Institute of Strategic Studies; former director of Policy Planning at the U.S. State Department, 2007-2009

●Philip H. Gordon, Mary and David Boies Senior Fellow in U.S. Foreign Policy at the Council on Foreign Relations; former special assistant to the president and Coordinator for the Middle East and assistant secretary of state for European and Eurasian Affairs

●Morton H. Halperin, former director of Policy Planning Staff at State Department, 1998-2001

●Lee Hamilton, former congressman; former president and director of the Wilson Center

●Clifford A. Hart Jr., former U.S. consul general to Hong Kong and Macau, 2013-2016

●Paul Heer, adjunct professor, George Washington University; former National Intelligence Officer for East Asia, 2007-2015

●Eric Heginbotham, principal research scientist, Massachusetts Institute of Technology’s Center for International Studies

●Ambassador Carla A. Hills, former United States Trade Representative, 1989-1993; chair & CEO Hills & Company, International Consultants

●Jamie P. Horsley, senior fellow at the Paul Tsai China Center, Yale Law School

●Yukon Huang, senior fellow, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

●Frank Jannuzi, president and CEO, Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation

●Robert Jervis, Adlai E. Stevenson Professor and Professor of International and Public Affairs, Columbia University

●Marvin Kalb, nonresident senior fellow, Brookings Institution

●Mickey Kantor, former secretary of commerce,1996-1997; U.S. trade representative, 1993-1996

●Robert Kapp, president, Robert A. Kapp & Associates, Inc.; former president, U.S.-China Business Council; former president, Washington Council on International Trade

●Albert Keidel, adjunct graduate professor, George Washington University; former deputy director of the Office of East Asian Nations at the Treasury Department, 2001-2004

●Robert O. Keohane, professor of International Affairs emeritus, Princeton University

●William Kirby, Spangler Family Professor of Business Administration at Harvard Business School; T. M. Chang Professor of China Studies at Harvard University

●Helena Kolenda, program director for Asia, Henry Luce Foundation

●Charles Kupchan, professor of International Affairs, Georgetown University; senior fellow, Council on Foreign Relations

●David M. Lampton, professor emeritus at Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies; Oksenberg Rholen Fellow, Stanford University Asia-Pacific Research Center; former president, National Committee on U.S.-China Relations

●Nicholas Lardy, Anthony M. Solomon Senior Fellow, Peterson Institute for International Economics

●Chung Min Lee, senior fellow, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

●Herbert Levin, former staff member for China on National Security Council and Policy Planning Council

●Cheng Li, director and senior fellow, John L. Thornton China Center, The Brookings Institution

●Kenneth Lieberthal, professor emeritus, University of Michigan; former Asia senior director, National Security Council, 1998-2000

●Yawei Liu, director of China Program, The Carter Center

●Jessica Mathews, distinguished fellow, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

●James McGregor, chairman, Greater China, APCO Worldwide

●John McLaughlin, distinguished practitioner in residence, School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University; former deputy director and acting director of the CIA, 2000-2004

●Andrew Mertha, Hyman Professor and Director of the China Program, School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University

●Alice Lyman Miller, research fellow, Hoover Institution, Stanford University

●Mike Mochizuki, Japan-U.S. Relations Chair in Memory of Gaston Sigur, George Washington University

●Michael Nacht, Thomas and Alison Schneider Professor of Public Policy, University of California, Berkeley; former assistant secretary of defense for global strategic affairs, 2009-2010

●Moises Naim, distinguished fellow, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

●Joseph Nye, University Distinguished Service Professor emeritus and former dean, Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University

●Kevin O’Brien, political science professor and director of Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley

●Jean Oi, William Haas Professor of Chinese Politics, Stanford University

●Stephen A. Orlins, president, National Committee on U.S.-China Relations

●William Overholt, senior research fellow, Mossavar-Rahmani Center for Business and Government, Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University

●Douglas Paal, distinguished fellow, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

●Margaret M. Pearson, Dr. Horace V. and Wilma E. Harrison Distinguished Professor, University of Maryland, College Park

●Peter C. Perdue, professor of history, Yale University

●Elizabeth J. Perry , Henry Rosovsky Professor of Government, Harvard University; director, Harvard-Yenching Institute

●Daniel W Piccuta, former deputy chief of mission and acting ambassador, Beijing

●Thomas Pickering, former under secretary of state for political affairs, 1997-2000; former U.S. ambassador to the United Nations from 1989-1992

●Paul R. Pillar , nonresident senior fellow at the Center for Security Studies, Georgetown University

●Jonathan D. Pollack, nonresident senior fellow, John L. Thornton China Center, Brookings Institution

●Barry Posen, Ford International Professor of Political Science, Massachusetts Institute of Technology; director, MIT Security Studies Program

●Shelley Rigger, Brown Professor of East Asian Politics, Davidson College

●Charles S. Robb, former U.S. senator (1989-2001) and former chairman of the East Asia subcommittee of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee; governor of Virginia from 1982 to 1986

●Robert S. Ross, professor of political science, Boston College

●Scott D. Sagan, the Caroline S.G. Munro Professor of Political Science, Stanford University

●Gary Samore, senior executive director, Crown Center for Middle East Studies at Brandeis University

●Richard J. Samuels, Ford International Professor of Political Science and director, Massachusetts Institute of Technology’s Center for International Studies

●David Shear, former assistant secretary of defense, 2014-2016; former U.S. ambassador to Vietnam

●Anne-Marie Slaughter, former director of policy planning, State Department, 2009-2011; Bert G. Kerstetter ‘66 University Professor Emerita of Politics and International Affairs, Princeton University

●Richard Sokolsky, nonresident senior fellow, Russia and Eurasia Program, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

●James Steinberg, former deputy secretary of state, 2009-2011

●Michael Szonyi, Frank Wen-Hsiung Wu Memorial Professor of Chinese History Director, Fairbank Center for Chinese Studies, Harvard University

●Strobe Talbott, former deputy secretary of state, 1994-2001

●Anne F. Thurston, former senior research professor, School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University

●Andrew G. Walder, Denise O’Leary and Kent Thiry Professor, School of Humanities and Sciences, Stanford University

●Graham Webster, coordinating editor, Stanford-New America DigiChina Project

●David A. Welch, University Research Chair, Balsillie School of International Affairs

●Daniel B. Wright, president and CEO, GreenPoint Group; former managing director for China and the Strategic Economic Dialogue, Treasury Department

7月4日，外交部发言人耿爽主持例行记者会。有记者提问，《华盛顿邮报》刊登的这一封致特朗普总统和美国国会的公开信，就中美关系提出的七点主张，中方对此有何评论？

问：3日，《华盛顿邮报》刊登了一封致特朗普总统和美国会的公开信。这封公开信由美前政要及知名专家学者执笔，95名美学术界、外交界、军界及商界专家联合署名。信中称，使中国成为敌人只会适得其反，该信得到众多人联署，表明支持对华全面敌对政策的所谓“华盛顿共识”并不存在。信中并就中美关系提出了“七点主张”。中方对此有何评论？

Q: The Washington Post published on July 3 an open letter to President Trump and the US Congress. The letter was written by former government officials and eminent academics in the US and signed by 95 experts from the scholarly, foreign policy, military and business community. It is stated in the letter that making China a US enemy is counterproductive and that the large number of signers of this open letter clearly indicates that there is no single Washington consensus endorsing an overall adversarial stance toward China, as some believe exists. Seven propositions on China-US relations are put forward. Would you like to comment on that?

对此，耿爽表示，注意到这封公开信正式刊发，我们对信中理性、客观的声音和观点表示肯定。他同时强调三点：

答：我前两天就此事作出过回应，也注意到这封公开信已经正式发表。我们对信中的理性、客观声音和观点表示肯定。在此，我愿再强调几点：

A: I commented on this earlier. Now that it is published, we commend the rational and objective views in it. Let me stress the following points.

第一，中美不是敌人。中美建交40年来，两国关系历经风雨，取得了历史性发展，不仅给两国人民带来了巨大利益，也促进了世界的和平稳定与发展繁荣。40年的风雨历程证明，中美这两个历史文化、社会制度、意识形态完全不同的大国完全可以在不冲突、不对抗基础上，实现相互尊重、合作共赢。

First, China and the US are not enemies. Four decades ago, diplomatic relations were established. Since then, we have gone through a lot and achieved historic progress in bilateral relations. It has not only brought enormous benefits to our peoples, but also contributed to world peace, stability, development and prosperity. The past shows that despite differences in history, culture, social system and ideology, as two major economies, China and the US can realize mutual respect and win-win cooperation on the basis of non-confrontation and non-conflict.

第二，合作是中美唯一的正确选择。我们多次说过，中美合则两利、斗则俱伤，合作比摩擦好，对话比对抗好，两国利益高度交融、合作领域广阔，不应落入所谓的冲突对抗的陷阱，而应实现相互促进、共同发展。这符合两国根本利益，也是国际社会的普遍期待。

Second, cooperation is the only correct choice for both. As we said repeatedly, China and the US stand to gain from cooperation and lose from confrontation; cooperation and dialogue beats friction and confrontation. With highly intertwined interests and broad scope for cooperation, we should avoid the pitfall of conflict and confrontation and realize mutually-reinforcing and common development. That serves the fundamental interests of both and is the shared aspiration of the international community.

第三，我们对中美关系抱有信心。中美两国人民之间有着朴素友好的感情。两国在经贸、人文、地方等各领域交往互动频繁，已经形成了你中有我、我中有你、利益交融的局面。正是这种千丝万缕的联系增加了中美关系的韧性。一个健康、稳定的中美关系是两国民心所向，也是大势所趋。

Third, we have faith in China-US relations. There is a genuine friendship between our peoples. There are frequent interactions in the business, cultural and people-to-people sectors and at sub-national levels, bringing people together and integrating their interests. A myriad of such threads woven together adds to the resilience of bilateral relations. A sound and steady relationship is a overriding trend that both peoples would like to see.

最后，我想再次强调，绝不能让矛盾和分歧来定义今天的中美关系，更不能让偏见和误判来左右明天的中美关系。我们相信，客观、理性、务实的声音终将战胜那些偏执、狂热、零和的主张。

Finally, let me stress, we must not allow current relations to be defined by conflicts and differences. Nor can we afford to allow future relations to be swung by prejudices and miscalculations. It is our belief that objective, rational and pragmatic voices will ultimately triumph over paranoid, fanatic and zero-sum game views.

我们希望美方能够认真倾听美国国内及国际社会的理性声音和建设性意见，与中方一道，按照两国元首达成的共识，继续推进以协调、合作、稳定为基调的中美关系，推动中美关系行稳致远，更好造福两国和世界人民。

We hope the US will heed the rational voice and constructive views at home and abroad. We hope it will work with China to implement the consensus of our heads of state and advance a relationship of coordination, cooperation and stability. By so doing, we will ensure steady and sustained development of bilateral relations and bring more benefits to people of both countries and the world.

6月18日，美国纽约州参议院通过决议，将今年的10月1日定为“中国日”，纪念华裔在该州发展进程中做出的贡献，巩固纽约州与中国的友谊。该决议还将今年10月的第一个星期设立为“华裔传统周”。

今年是中美建交40周年，作为美国人口最多的州之一，纽约州参议院在此特殊时刻通过有关决议案，这具有积极意义，表达了纽约州各界对于发展中美友好和互利合作的期待。一些纽约州参议员表示，双方应该共同努力推动美中关系“爬坡过坎”继续向前发展，要拿出长远眼光和勇气，建立平等和相互尊重的伙伴关系，美中两国会发现彼此不是敌人而是朋友。

不仅仅是纽约州，美国加利福尼亚、内布拉斯加、田纳西、艾奥瓦、犹他、伊利诺伊等州议会都通过了庆祝中美建交40周年或促进中美友好合作的议案、贺状，这充分反映出，美国各界对保持中美关系健康稳定向前发展有着强烈愿望和普遍共识。

在过去40年里，中美关系发展的每一步都离不开两国地方的积极参与和支持，民间友好始终是两国关系发展的源头活水。中美关系要行稳致远，归根结底是倾听民意、顺应民心。

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