Journal of Chinese Linguistics

Volume 51, Issues 1-2, 2023

Journal of Chinese Linguistics（SSCI 四区，2022 IF：0.3，排名：180/194）2023年第1-2期共刊文17篇。其中，2023年第1期共发文10篇，其中研究性论文8篇，书评1篇，洞悟与心得1篇，研究论文涉及上古汉语语音、语音实验、早期记音材料、超音段成分、疑问句句法等。2023年第2期共发文7篇，其中研究性论文6篇，洞悟与心得1篇。研究论文涉及词典编纂、古代汉语语法、方言语音、《切韵》、定式句语法等。欢迎转发扩散！

目录

Issue 1

ARTICLES

■ The voiced and released stop codas of Old Chinese, by Wuyun Pan and Zining Zheng.

■ Various measures and the distinction of tense and lax contrasts: The case of Zhoucheng Bai, by Xuan Li and Feng Wang.

■Reconstructions of Ancient Chinese revisited: From a perspective of similarity calculation on doculects (In Chinese), by Qibin Ran.

■ The functional load of Chinese tones and the tonal evolution, by Juan Liu, Chao Kong and William S-Y. Wang.

■ Acoustic correlates of prominence in Kala Lizu (Tibeto-Burman), by Katia Chirkova, Pei-Yu Hou, Rada Chirkova and Angélique Amelot.

■ The processing mechanisms of Mandarin wh-questions, by Yang Yang, Leticia Pablos and Lisa Lai-Shen Cheng.

■ A study of the nasality of sound of Shuangfeng dialect (In Chinese), by Xianming Bei.

■ Romanized transcriptions of Cantonese prior to Robert Morrison’s: A study of the Whampoa dialect spoken in the 1820s as recorded in German sources, by Xueqi Jiang and Chen Chen.

REVIEW

■ Interface at a higher level: Review of Universal Grammar and Iconicity, by Dingxu Shi.

INSIGHT

■ Exploring the low applicative, by Yafei Li and Zhe Chen.

Issue2

ARTICLES

■ Challenging issues in Cantonese-English lexicography, by Robert S. Bauer.

■ Tracing variation in Old Chinese: What, if anything, was “Yǎyán 雅言”?, by Wolfgang Behr.

■ Guttural fricatives and initial *w- in common Mǐn, by W. South Coblin.

■ The idea of an indigenous Chinese grammar, by Hsin-I Hsieh.

■ Understanding the Qieyun rhymes, by Zhongwei Shen.

■ Chinese finiteness: Changeability, actuality, durationality and telicity, by Chaofen Sun.

INSIGHT

■ Wh & self: On correlating wh-conditionals and reflexive doubling, by Wei-Tien Dylan Tsai.

摘要

The voiced and released stop codas of Old Chinese

上古汉语的浊爆破塞韵尾

Wuyun Pan and Zining Zheng 

潘悟云, 郑子宁

Abstract This paper discusses the property of voicing and releasing in coda stops in Old Chinese, which is of great significance to the phonetic types and historical comparison between Chinese and Tibetan Languages. The nature of Old Chinese is mainly based on the historical comparison between Chinese and Tibetan Languages and Chinese loan words in other languages. For example, in Ancient Tibetan the stop codas were transcribed to voiced letters. The majority of bound function words in Classical Tibetan have two variants based on whether the preceding codas are voiced or not. The /-l(-r)/ coda in the ancient Chinese northern languages and early Sanskrit-Chinese phonetic transcription comes from the /-d/ coda. Old Chinese loan words in Japanese have voiced stop codas. Modern Chinese dialects also have voiced stop codas. In addition, stop codas in Tibetan Xigaze, Balti, Lajiao and other dialects, Xifan yiyu and Qiang languages all have the nature of releasing. The “broken tone” in Chinese is caused by a released glottal stop.

本文提出上古汉语塞音韵尾具有带浊爆破的性质，这对于汉藏语的语音类型以及历史比较都有重要意义。得出上古汉语具备此性质的主要依据是汉藏语的历史比较与古汉语的借词。比如古藏文塞音韵尾转写读浊音、藏语不自主虚词根据韵尾的清浊分类，中国古代北边语言与早期梵汉对译中的/-l(-r)/尾来自/-d/尾，日本的上古汉语借词有浊塞尾，现代汉语方言存在浊塞尾。此外，藏语日喀则、巴尔提、拉郊等方言,《西番译语》以及羌语中的塞韵尾都有爆破性质。汉语的中折调就是爆破的喉塞韵尾。

Key words Old Chinese, Stop codas,  Release  Voicing,  Sound pattern,  Historical comparison

上古汉语  塞音韵尾 爆破 浊音  语音类型  历史比较

Various measures and the distinction of tense and lax contrasts: The case of Zhoucheng Bai

不同参数与松紧调的区分——以周城白语为例

Xuan Li and Feng Wang 

李煊, 汪锋

Abstract The acoustic characteristics of the tense and lax contrasts have been studied extensively, and different measures were attested to be related, but few of these studies discussed different measures together and explored their relationships. Three of the eight tones in Zhoucheng Bai (i.e., T2, T6, and T7) are marked as tense tones, while the rest are lax tones. Based on Electroglottographic (EGG) and acoustic signals, this paper examined eight measures, namely fundamental frequency (F0), open quotient (OQ), speed quotient (SQ), H1*-H2*, H2*-H4*, H1*-A1*, H1*-A2*, and H1*-A3*, in the data obtained from 10 Zhoucheng Bai speakers. It shows that different measures perform variously in the distinction of tense and lax contrasts. F0 well distinguishes between T6 and T1, and both EGG measures and spectral measures can differentiate between T2 and T8, but none of measures reflects the contrast of T7 and T3 for all speakers. The case of T7 and T3 suggests that the relationship between production and perception is not as straightforward as commonly assumed and needs further research. Although different measures don’t always participate in the distinction of tense and lax contrasts together and have equal contributions, they are significantly correlated with each other, which are supported by the correlation analysis.

目前已有不少研究讨论过不同语言中“松音”和“紧音”声学性质，很多参数被证实能反映松紧音的差别，但综合性讨论不同参数和参数相关性的较少。周城白语一共有8个声调，T2、T6和T7是紧调，其余被标为松调。本文录制了10位周城白语发音人的声门阻抗信号和语音信号，从EGG信号中提取了基频、开商、速度商，从语音信号中提取了H1-H2、H2-H4、H1-A1、H1-A2、H1-A3等5个参数，对比分析这些参数在白语松紧调中的表现。研究表明，不同参数在区分松紧调中的表现不同。基频(F0)能很好地区分紧调T6和松调T1，所有参数(包括从EGG信号和语音信号中提取的参数)都能区分紧调T2和松调T8，但没有一个参数能区分所有发音人的紧调T7和松调T3。T7和T3的例子表明松紧音发音和感知之间的关系并非通常认为的那么简单，值得进一步研究。所有参数并非总是都参与松紧调的区分，也未必起到相同的作用，但相关分析表明大多数参数两两之间具有显著的相关关系。

Key words Zhoucheng Bai,  Tense and lax contrast, EGG measures,  Spectral measures

周城白语 松紧调 EGG参数  频谱参数

Reconstructions of Ancient Chinese revisited: From a perspective of similarity calculation on doculects 

变化速度与构拟评估——基于汉语语档历时相似度计算的考察

Qibin Ran 

冉启斌

Abstract Eight reconstruction systems for Old Chinese and Middle Chinese raised by Bernhard Karlgren, Wang Li, Li Fang-Kuei, Tung T’ungho, Chou Fa-kao, Zhengzhang Shangfang, Pan Wuyun and Baxter-Sagart are revisited in this paper. Taking 60 doculects of balanced Modern Chinese dialects as reference, similarities between Old Chinese, Middle Chinese and modern Chinese dialects are calculated with ASJP tools. Evolution rates for Old Chinese to Middle Chinese, Middle Chinese to Modern Chinese and the rates ratios are analysed. The results show that Zhengzhang Shangfang’s and Baxter-Sagart’s reconstructions are most reasonable and self-consistent ones among the eight systems. The author argues that, from an external perspective of diachronic change of language, analysis on similarity data and change rates may contribute to reconstruction evaluation.

本文采用ASJP模式的语档(doculect)距离计算方法，以经过平衡的60个现代汉语方言语档为参照，将高本汉、王力、李方桂、董同龢、周法高、郑张尚芳、潘悟云、白一平-沙加尔等八家构拟的上古音及中古音形成语档，对这些语档进行相似度、变化速率等数据的计算分析。结果显示，在上古、中古拟音与现代汉语方言的相似度，上古拟音到中古拟音的变化速率，上古到中古、中古到现代这两个时期的变化速率比等多个方面，郑张尚芳、白一平-沙加尔的构拟在八家中是合理性和自洽性相对最高的。本文分析认为，从语言历时变化这一外部角度，通过有关数据计算可以为古音构拟的评价提供一定的客观参照。

Key words Old Chinese, Middle Chinese, Reconstruction,  Similarity of doculects, Evolution rate

上古音  中古音  构拟  语档相似度  变化速率

The functional load of Chinese tones and the tonal evolution

汉语声调功能负担与声调演变

Juan Liu, Chao Kong and William S-Y. Wang 

刘娟, 孔超, 王士元

Abstract This study calculated the functional load of Chinese tones in different contexts by using an extensive corpus and the Markov model-based “Hockett-Wang algorithm”. The results show that, compared to vowels and consonants, tones carry the smallest functional load. In tones that are associated with monosyllabic, bi-syllabic, and multi-syllabic words, the functional load is inversely related to the number of syllables in that word. In other words, the more syllables in a word, the further the functional load of tones tends to decrease. Importantly, this study reveals a close correlation between the functional load of Chinese tones and the evolution of these tones. This is evidenced by the perceived imbalance of the functional load of different tonal contrasts within contemporary Chinese, as well as by the simulation results of the drastically declining functional load of Chinese tones in diachronic. These results may suggest that the declining load of Chinese tones is indeed the underlying driver for the merger and the resulting decline in the number of Chinese tones. The conclusions of the paper may shed new light for future research in the fields of phonology, speech engineering, as well as second language teaching.

Key words Functional Load,  Tone, Chinese Dialects,  Corpus,  Tonal Evolution

功能负担  声调  汉语方言  语料库  声调演变

Acoustic correlates of prominence in Kala Lizu (Tibeto-Burman)

卡拉乡里汝语(藏缅语)韵律突显的声学相关物

Katia Chirkova (齐卡佳), Pei-Yu Hou (侯佩妤), Rada Chirkova and Angélique Amelot

Abstract This study investigates acoustic correlates of prominence in Lizu (Tibeto-Burman). Lizu has been argued to have a hybrid prosodic system combining lexical tone on monosyllabic words and prominence patterns with stress-like and tonal characteristics on polysyllabic words, although empirical evidence is lacking. This study presents an acoustic investigation of the pitch patterns on disyllabic words in the Kala variety of Lizu (HL, HH, LH). Using the parameters of duration, intensity, and f0, it attempts to sort out different forms of prominence, and to explore their interaction with lexical tone. The measurements are taken from experimental data with eight Lizu speakers (4 male and 4 female). The acoustic results and statistical analyses suggest that the first syllable in Kala Lizu is the position of prominence in all three pitch patterns. Our results are consistent with interpreting the pitch pattern HL as more stress-like (with intensity as an acoustic correlate of stress) and the pitch patterns HH and LH as more tone-like (with stress cued by full realization of lexical tone). This study contributes to a better understanding of the prosodic organization of Kala Lizu and it also suggests methodology for further exploration of other Lizu varieties.

本研究考察里汝语中韵律突显的声学相关物。里汝语曾被认为拥有一种混合的韵律系统，结合了单音节词的声调，以及多音节词上的重音似的和声调式的突显格局，尽管缺乏相关的实证证据。本研究对木里县卡拉乡里汝语不同音高模式(HL、HH、LH)的双音节词进行了声学考察，使用音长、音强和基频的参数，确定不同类型双音节词中的突显形式，并探讨这些突显与词层面声调之间的相互关系。测量数据来自8位里汝语母语者(4男4女)的语音实验。声学结果和统计分析表明，卡拉乡里汝语的全部三种音高模式中，第一个音节都处于突显位置，HL类型的音高模式表现得更像重音(以音强为重音的声学相关物)，HH和LH类型的音高模式表现得更像声调(以词调的完整实现来体现重音)。这项研究有助于更好地理解里汝语的韵律结构，并为进一步探索其他里汝语土语提供了方法。

Key words Prosodic prominence,  Stress,  Tone,  Lizu  Tibeto-Burman

韵律突显 重音  声调  里汝语  藏缅语族

The processing mechanisms of Mandarin wh-questions

普通话wh-疑问句的加工机制

Yang Yang (杨洋), Leticia Pablos and Lisa Lai-Shen Cheng (郑礼珊)

Abstract Wh-question phrases in Mandarin remain in-situ at their base position (e.g., John bought what?). Although theoretical studies show that there is a covert dependency between the in-situ question word/phrase and SpecCP, little is known how this dependency is evidenced in the processing of Mandarin wh-in-situ questions. In addition, bare Mandarin wh-phrases like shéi ‘who’ are different from complex ones like nǎge tóngxué ‘which classmate’, as the former are known as wh-indeterminates, on a par with indefinites (Cheng 1991), while the latter are considered on a par with definites (Rullmann and Beck 1998). To uncover the processing mechanism of wh-in-situ questions, we conducted two self-paced reading studies where we compared their processing behavior with that of their declarative counterparts. Specifically, and due to the claims made in the literature regarding the nature of bare and complex wh-questions, we compared bare wh-questions with declarative counterparts that contained indefinites, and complex wh-questions with declarative counterparts that contained definites. Our findings show that, regardless of their bare or complex nature, wh-questions were in general processed with more cost (i.e., reading delay) than their declarative counterparts, providing evidence that a covert-dependency is built in wh-questions. In particular, based on our results we claim that after reading the core wh-element, the parser immediately starts the process of resolving the wh-question interpretation by establishing the covert dependency.

汉语普通话的特殊疑问句是在位疑问句，即疑问词的位置和陈述句对应名词的位置相同(例如“约翰买了什么？”)，并不移到句首。理论语言学的研究表明，在位的疑问词与句子左缘的SpecCP存在隐性的依存关系，但这种依存关系能否从在线句子加工中找到证据，尚不得而知。除此之外，光杆疑问词(例如“谁”)与复杂的疑问词(例如“哪个同学”)本质不同，因为前者是wh-不定指，类似于不定代词(Cheng 1991), 而后者性质与有定代词类似(Rullmann and Beck, 1998)。为了更好地揭示普通话特殊疑问句的加工机制，文章进行了两个自控步速阅读实验，来对比疑问句和对应陈述句的加工模式。具体说来，根据文献中对光杆疑问词和复杂疑问词的区分，我们分别对比了光杆疑问句和包含了对应不定代词陈述句的加工区别，以及复杂疑问句和包含了对应有定代词陈述句的加工区别。研究结果表明，尽管疑问词的性质有光杆和复杂之分，疑问句整体上都要比对应陈述句加工成本更高(即需要更多的加工时间)。这为普通话特殊疑问句中隐性依存关系的建构提供了在线加工上的证据。此外，实验的结果显示，只要阅读到wh-成分(例如“哪个”、“谁”)，被试就开始了疑问依存关系的建构，不需要读完整个词组(例如“哪个同学”)。

Key words Bare wh-in-situ questions,  Complex wh-in-situ questions,  Indefinites,  Definites,  Wh-dependency

光杆在位疑问句 复杂在位疑问句 不定代词 有定代词 依存关系

A study of the nasality of sound of Shuangfeng dialect (In Chinese)

湘语双峰话语音的鼻化度考察

Xianming Bei 贝先明

Abstract The article uses the nasometer to analyze systematically the monophthongs, diphthongs, nasalized vowels, non-nasal voiced consonants, and nasal consonants of Shuangfeng dialect. Through the investigation of nasality, we find that it is a dialect with high value of nasality, and its nasality is gradually weakening. The nasality of vowels is related to the position of the tongue. The degree of nasality to the voiced consonant is related to the pronunciation position and the pronunciation method. Phonetically, the type of /l/ of Shuangfeng dialect has important significance and has age differences. From the perspective of the nasality, the types of /l/ of the elderly, middle-aged, and young speakers are respectively nasal /l/, nasalized /l/, and accented /l/. The nasality decreases with reduction of speakers’ age.

文章使用鼻音计对双峰话的单元音、复元音、鼻化元音、非鼻浊辅音、鼻辅音等进行了较为系统的分析。通过鼻化度的考察，大致发现：双峰话是一个鼻化度较高的方言，但其鼻化度处在逐渐减弱的过程中，元音的鼻化度跟舌位前后高低有关。浊辅音的鼻化度跟发音部位、发音方法有关。在语音学上，双峰话的/l/具有类型学意义，而且伴有年龄差异。从其鼻化度上看，老年发音人、中年发音人、青年发音人的/l/分别属于鼻音型、鼻化型、口音型，其鼻化度随着年龄的降低而降低。

Key words Xiang Dialects,  Shuangfeng dialect,  Nasality,  Type of lateral

湘语 双峰话 鼻化度 边音类型

Romanized transcriptions of Cantonese prior to Robert Morrison’s: A study of the Whampoa dialect spoken in the 1820s as recorded in German sources

早于马礼逊的粤语拉丁化记音资料——德国文献记录的1820年代黄埔话初探

Xueqi Jiang and Chen Chen 

江雪奇, 陈辰

Abstract Fung Ahok, a native of Whampoa, was one of the earliest Chinese ever to visit Germany. During his stay, several German authors described the two varieties of Cantonese spoken by him and his fellow traveler, Fung Asseng, a native of Xiāngshān. Meanwhile, both Fungs themselves also produced abundant manuscripts reflecting their Cantonese phonology, which can be believed to be of great value for exploring Early Cantonese. This paper aims to investigate the various materials left by Fung Ahok and some German scholars on Cantonese transcription and thus reconstruct his personal phonology.

冯亚学来自广州东郊的黄埔，是最早造访德国的华人之一。他在德国期间，不仅曾有若干名德国作者描述过他和他的香山籍旅伴冯亚星所讲的两种粤方言，二人自己也写下了大量反映粤语音系的注音手稿。应该认为，这些材料对于探索早期粤语颇具价值。本文旨在研究冯亚学以及数位德国学者所留下的各类文献，从而重构其个人音系。

Key words Early Cantonese, Whampoa Cantonese, Romanized transcriptions of Cantonese, Fung Ahok, German manuscripts

早期粤语 黄埔粤语 粤语罗马字转写 冯亚学 德语手稿

Interface at a higher level: Review of Universal Grammar and Iconicity

Reviewed by Dingxu Shi 石定栩

Excerpt 节选 

1. AUTONOMOUS SYNTAX AND INTERFACE INTERACTION

When Chomsky set up the generative grammar theory framework in the 1950s, he made it clear that the same set of rules and structural representations, which he called universal grammar (UG), provide the basis for the individual grammar of every language (Chomsky 1957). The ultimate goal for establishing generative grammar is to figure out what these rules are and how they work. As means to achieve his goal, Chomsky gave up the fundamental assumptions of structuralism and divided language studies into modules such as syntax, semantics, phonetics, phonology and so on. His intention is to study each module independently without referring to the others and a new term “autonomous syntax” is created to convey this idea, illustrated by the well-known sentence “colorless green ideas sleep furiously”. He admits that this sentence is semantically absurd but insists that it is syntactically well-formed and could be studied on its own.

…

4. A WISH

It is not easy to find an account comprehensive enough for such complexity of the noun incorporation analysis or within the current framework of generative grammar. On the other hand, this is exactly what the UG-Iconicity Interface proposed in this book is designed to handle, since the order of V and N is determined by the meaning each compound is expected to produce and is therefore not random. The details are waiting to be worked out and it is my hope that Li will come up with a proposal soon.

Exploring the low applicative

Yafei Li and Zhe Chen 

李亚非, 陈哲

Abstract Pylkkäne把施用结构分为高低两层，为处理施用论元的跨语言语法行为提供了新的视角和分析方法。然而，其对低层施用词素ApplL的处理方法存在多重根本性问题，其中最显著的问题是在语义上把ApplL 当作VP的论元，但在句法上却当作VP的内部成分。这显然与论元关系所呈现出的句法-语义高度一致性相违背。针对这些问题，本文提出了新的解决方案，设定了ApplL的两个功能：1)引进施用论元，并界定施用论元和受事论元之间的所有者和被所有者关系；2)核查V所指称的事件是否允准所有者关系的转移。这两大功能决定了ApplL和V之间不可能存在论元关系或修饰关系，而只能把两种独立的语法信息直接叠加，共同构成相关句法成分的核心内容。令ApplL类比φ特征，V类比T，两者组合构成V-ApplL。在句法语义规则限制下，组合结果既能解释低层施用论元的语法语义行为，又能避免Pylkkänen理论的弊病。

Key words 施用论元 论元关系 低层施用结构 所有关系转移 描写小句

Challenging issues in Cantonese-English lexicography

粵语英语词典编撰学具挑战性的问题

Robert S. Bauer 

包睿舜

Abstract At the outset of writing a bilingual Cantonese-English dictionary that is comprehensive in scope, the lexicographer confronts a series of challenging issues that are fundamental to the successful creation of such an ambitious dictionary. Among the crucial questions to be satisfactorily resolved are at least the following eight: 1) What are the principal criteria that guide the lexicographer’s selection of the Cantonese lexical items that form the contents of the bilingual dictionary? Further, what is the scope of the lexical contents? Broad, by encompassing all lexical items that occur in the speech of Hong Kong Cantonese speakers, even those items that overlap with standard Chinese? Or, narrow, by focusing only on the uniquely Hong Kong Cantonese lexicon? 2) What categories of information about the lexical items should form the structural contents of lexical entries? These could include parts of speech, speech registers, cross-referencing of related lexical items, synonyms, alternative pronunciations and variant written forms, example sentences, etc. 3) How detailed should the equivalent English translations of the Cantonese lexical items be?  4) Should lexical entries include information on their social, cultural, historical, and political associations, usage, etymology (origin and historical development), etc.? 5) What is the organizing principle by which the Cantonese lexical entries are listed in the dictionary, as there are at least four? 6) As for Cantonese pronunciation, which register of the language should be romanized? The conservative, literary, standard pronunciation? The colloquial, informal, commonly-used 懒音 laan5 jam1 “lazy” pronunciation? Or both of these? 7) Several Cantonese romanization systems are currently in use, so which one is best for representing Hong Kong’s contemporary Cantonese pronunciation? 8) Given that the written form of the Cantonese language has never been formally or officially standardized, so that some lexical items are typically written in two or more different ways, what criteria should guide the lexicographer in deciding how Cantonese words are graphically transcribed in a Cantonese-English dictionary? In writing his ABC Cantonese-English Comprehensive Dictionary 粤语英语大词典 (Bauer 2020) over the past decade and a half, the author had to face and then answer appropriately each of these important questions. This article has described how he addressed and practically resolved these and other related problems.

编写范围广泛的粤英双语词典之初，词典编撰者面临一系列甚具挑战性的问题，这些问题对于成功创构这样一部耗时费力的词典至关重要。要圆满解决的关键问题至少有以下八个：1)主要以什么标准指导词典编撰者选择构成双语词典内容的粤语词项？此外，词汇内容的范围是什么？是广泛的，包括所有除现在说香港粤语人士口语的词项，甚至那些与标准汉语重叠的词项？或者，狭义的，只关注独特的香港粤语词汇？2)关于词项的哪些类别的信息应该构成词条的结构内容？这些可能包括词性、语域、相关词项的相互参照、同义词、替代或变异发音和书面形式、例句等。3)粤语词项对应的英译应该有多详细？4)词条应否包括有关其社会、文化、历史和政治关联、用法、词源（起源和历史发展）等方面的信息？5)在词典中列出粤语词条的组织原则至少有四个，而那些组织原则是什么？6)关于粤语发音，哪个语域发音应该用拼音？保守的、文学的、标准的发音？还是口语化的、非正式的、常用的懒音？或者这两种发音都应该用拼音？7)目前使用粤语的拼音系统有好几种，那么哪一种最能代表当代香港粤语发音？8)鉴于粤语的书面形式从未正式或官式标准化，因此一些词项通常以两种或多种不同方式书写，应該以什么标准指导词典编撰者决定如何以图形方式将粤语字词转录于粤英词典？作者在过去十五年编写他的《ABC Cantonese-English Comprehensive Dictionary粵語英語大詞典》(Bauer 2020)的过程中必须面对这些重要问题，并且就每一个问题恰当地予以解答。本文描述了他如何处理并实际解决以上和其他相关疑难问题。

Key words Cantonese, Lexicography, Bilingual, Dictionary, Romanization system

粤语 词典编撰学 双语 词典 拼音系统

Tracing variation in Old Chinese: What, if anything, was “Yǎyán 雅言”?

追溯古漢語的語言差異：如實有其事，則「雅言」為何？

Wolfgang Behr 

畢鶚

Abstract Based on the single pre-Qin attestation of the compound yǎyán 雅言 in the Confucian Analects (Lúnyǔ 論語 7.18) the idea of a normative spoken standard language is often projected back by early modern and modern authors into remote pre-imperial antiquity. An overview of the conceptual history of the term and of the competing etymologies of yǎ in early Chinese texts is offered in order to problematize this “invented tradition” and its ideological baggage. Four types of evidence (uniformity of phonology and syntax in excavated texts, ode citation practices, phonophoric repair by double phonophoric characters, lexical variation) are then presented and their usefulness to support an early written standard of elite intercommunication is discussed. Straightforward creolization and mixed language accounting for the emergence of Old Chinese are rejected. Instead, a scenario of interrupted language transmission in a highly diverse linguistic Sprachbund area is sketched and argued to best account for the observed asymmetries between a high degree of early lexical and orthographical variation (including substrate influences) on the one hand, and phonological and syntactic uniformity of texts from geographically diverse areas on the other.

有鑑於《論語》中「雅言」一詞僅見於先秦文獻記載中，現當代學者往往將規範性標準語言此一觀念投射至上古時期。本文從「雅言」一詞的概念史切入，綜述中國古代文獻中「雅」字的競爭性詞義，進而對此「被發明的傳統」及其意識形態背景提出質疑。文中列舉了四種證據類型，即各地出土文獻音系和句法的一致性、賦詩和引詩現象、重聲字所反映的修復過程、詞彙的層次性，並探討了其對早期貴族之間交流通用語所發揮的正面作用。筆者認為古漢語之形成無法與「克里奧爾」或「混合語言」相提並論，將之視為語言聯盟中語言傳播中斷下的產物，從而有效地解釋古漢語中所見的不對稱現象，例如：早期詞彙（包括地層語）和文字系統之間存在明顯的地域性差異，但各地出土文獻的語法和音位系統卻具有穩定的一致性。

Key words Pre-Qin normative language,  Lingua franca,  Interrupted language transmission,  Creolization

先秦規範語言 通行語 語言傳播中斷 克里奧爾化

Guttural fricatives and initial *w- in common Mǐn

羅杰瑞共同閩音的口腔後擦音與半元音*w-之間的互相影響與作用

W. South Coblin 

柯蔚南

Abstract In his earlier Proto-Mǐn reconstructed phonological system the late Professor Jerry Norman posited three guttural fricative initials, i.e., *x-, *h-, and *-h-. In early unpublished manuscripts dealing with this system, *x- was classed as velar, while *h- and *-h- were described as laryngeals. Initial *x- was characterized as voiceless and *h- and *-h- as voiced. In Norman (1974), however, *h- was transcribed as phonetic [ɣ], a voiced velar (rather than laryngeal) fricative, while *-h- was interpreted as [ɦ], a voiced laryngeal. In his much more recent Common Mǐn system, as represented in certain of his final dialectological publications and posthumous papers, Norman posited one voiceless velar fricative, *x-, and two laryngeals, *h-, and *ɦ-, the former voiceless and the latter voiced. Additionally, he reconstructed a rounded semivowel, Common Mǐn *w-, which had not been explicitly mentioned in his published presentations of Proto-Mǐn but was posited without comment in manuscript materials in a single word, i.e., huáng 黃 “yellow”. In the Common Mǐn system, on the other hand, this *w- plays a more prominent role and is also associated with the guttural fricatives in certain ways. The purpose of the present paper is to exemplify and compare Norman’s new Common Mǐn *x-, *h-, *ɦ-, and *w-.

上個世紀七八十年代之間，羅杰瑞先生構擬了眾所週知的“原始閩音”系統。此系統含有三個口腔後的擦音聲母，即是*x-、*h-、*-h-。*x- 是清舌根音，而 *h- 與 *-h- 是濁喉音。在其1974年的一篇文章中，*h- 則轉寫為[ɣ]，濁舌根擦音，*-h- 為濁喉擦音 [ɦ]。到了九十年代晚年，羅先生又進一步重建了一種新的閩音系統，稱之為“共同閩音”。從那時起，共同閩音在羅先生的著作裡完全取代了之前的原始閩音。共同閩音系統含有一個清舌根擦音*x-，以及兩個濁喉擦音：*h- 與 *ɦ-。不過，除此之外還有一個半元音*w-，與*x-、*h-、*ɦ- 三個口腔後擦音有非常密切的關係。這四個聲母之間的互相作用和影響都相當複雜，與原始閩音系統裡的口腔後聲母的對應模式迥異。本文的目的即是探討這四個共同閩音的聲母及其互相之間的關係。

Key words Chinese dialectology, Mǐn dialects, Common Mǐn, Historical phonology

漢語方言學 閩方言 共同閩音 歷史語音學

The idea of an indigenous Chinese grammar

本土中文语法概念

Hsin-I Hsieh 

謝信一

Abstract As Chinese linguistics encounters a more developed general linguistics, two opposite reactions emerged. One is to learn and imitate, while the other is to learn and innovate. As a visionary, William S-Y. Wang (1999) innovates. He rejected purely formal theories such as the Generative Grammar and envisioned an Indigenous Chinese Grammar (ICG) that takes culture into consideration. Echoing Wang’s seminal vision, we offer a possible ICG. We focus on the perplexing pair of cai2 才 (‘necessary’) and jiu4 就 (‘sufficient’). Both cai2 and jiu4 have divergent meanings that may be closely related, well related, remotely related, or even dubiously related. (See for example, you3qian2 cai2 jia4 ta1 ‘Marry him only if he is rich’, ta1 cai2 lai2 ‘He has just come’, wo3 cai2 you3qian2 ‘I am the one that has money’, wo3 cai2 bu2 pao4 ne0 ‘I contrary to anybody’s expectation am not afraid’.) Traditional formal theories seem unable to explain this wide range of divergence. But an Emergent Grammar (EG) can. Given a composition, EG enables its two elements to ‘interact’ into a largely unpredictable result. Free interactions in a specific context produce flexible results, making the derived meanings often unpredictable, as one would expect from a Complex system as opposed to a Complicated system. Realized as a complex-systematic approach to Chinese grammar, Wang’s brilliant insight of ICG could well inspire and help launch a fresh advancement path in Chinese linguistics.

当中国语言学面临比较先进的一般语言学挑战时，两个对立的反应出现了。一个是学习与模仿，而另一个是学习与创新。作为一个有远见的学者，王士元决定要创新。他拒绝了纯粹形式理论，例如生成语法，而想象一个本土中文语法，能忠实展现底层中国文化特色。响应王的创新视野，我们提出涌现语法理论，勾画一个可能的本土中文语法。我们聚焦于令人困惑的“才”与“就”一对词。“才”与“就”都有广泛的不同的意义。这些意义可能具有密切的，相当的，远程的，甚或可疑的相互关联。例如，“有钱才嫁他啊”“他才来”“我才有钱”“我才不怕呢”。传统的形式理论看来无法解释这种广泛的分歧。但是涌现语法能做到。针对一个复杂表达式，涌现语法使其中的两个成分进行“互动”，来产生一个基本上不可预测的结果。具体语境中的自由互动产生灵活的结果，导致派生的词义经常无法预测。这就如新的复合系统(Complex System)有别于旧的复杂系统(Complicated System)所期望的一样。一旦实现为一个复合系统路径之后，王有关本土中文语的真知灼见，很可能激发而促成一个前所未有的中国语言学前进的新方向。

Key words Indigenous Chinese grammar,  Emergent Grammar,  Complex system,  Cai2 vs Jiu4

本土中文语法  涌现语法  “才” “就” 二词的纠结

Understanding the Qieyun rhymes

释《切韵》的韵类

Zhongwei Shen 

沈钟伟

Abstract This article shows that the Qieyun rhymes are not necessarily different VC units (VC = vowel and ending), as initially defined by Karlgren in his work Études sur la phonologie chinoise (1915–1926). Karlgren’s mistake creates a serious problem in the reconstruction of the vowel system of Middle Chinese. In the proposed reconstructions so far, excessive vocalic distinctions are required. This problem is well acknowledged but no explanations and solutions have been convincingly provided. Based on the information from the poetry rhyming before and at the same time of the Qieyun, our analyses of the Qieyun rhymes with the -ŋ ending indicate that 1) not all the Qieyun rhymes are different VCs, and 2) some Qieyun rhymes are the preservation of historical categories. With the new understanding of the nature of the Qieyun rhymes, the required main vowels of Middle Chinese can be significantly reduced. The twelve Qieyun rhymes with -ŋ require only six main vowels. The observation that not all the Qieyun rhymes are different VCs can be supported by the recent distribution analyses of the Qieyun rhymes. A fundamental viewpoint of this article is that in the study of the phonological history of Chinese, what should be reconstructed is the phonological system of Middle Chinese instead of the so-called “Qieyun system”. Because the phonological categories contained in the Qieyun are neither synchronically systematic nor phonologically consistent, the Qieyun does not represent a single phonological system of any historical period in the phonological history of Chinese.

本文指出高本汉把《切韵》中的“韵”定义为诗歌押韵中的“韵”是个错误。汉字“韵”可以是韵书中称作为“韵”的分类单位，也可以是诗歌押韵单位的“韵”。但是这两个概念从语言学上来说，并不等同。由于高本汉的定义为学界广泛接受，韵类的语音构拟出现难以克服的麻烦。主要问题是构拟的主要元音过多，形成了不合理的元音系统。以带舌根鼻音韵尾-ŋ的韵类为例，本文说明《切韵》中的不同韵类并不都是韵基不同。通过对齐梁陈隋诗歌的押韵进行分析，结果显示：《切韵》的韵类，1)有存古韵类，2)有韵基相同但是介音有别的韵母。对比近年来对《切韵》韵类的分布分析，诗歌押韵和韵类分布这两个互相独立的分析有倾向一致的结果，都显示了韵基大大少于《切韵》中的韵类。因此，《切韵》中的韵类区别不应该是高本汉所定义的区别，即韵基的不同。本文的基本观点是汉语音韵史研究中需要构拟的是中古音系，而不是所谓的“切韵音系”。作为韵书，《切韵》所包含的音类信息并不具有共时系统性，也不具有语音一致性，因此不代表汉语语音史上任何时期的一个单一语音系统。

Key words Qieyun rhyme,  Poetry rhyme,  Main vowel,  Rhyme  Final

《切韵》韵类  诗歌押韵  韵母  韵基  主要元音

Chinese finiteness: Changeability, actuality, durationality and telicity

汉语定式句的四个特征：可变、实现、持续、终结

Chaofen Sun 

孙朝奋

Abstract This paper focuses on declarative sentences to demonstrate how four major concepts: changeability, actuality, durationality and telicity, work together in shaping Chinese finite clauses. In the Chinese lexicon there are changeable and unchangeable verbs distinguished by the latter’s inability to co-occur with aspect particles in a finite clause. The changeable declaratives are further divided into two kinds: durational and nondurational, as the latter cannot occur alone without either the perfective le1 in realis, or a modal auxiliary. Moreover, the durational declaratives can occur in either irrealis modality negated by bù or realis modality negated by měi(yǒu). The declarative sentences for durational events are linguistically distinct in terms of telicity: the progressive zài and imperfective zhe are atelic, and the perfective le1 and experiential guo are telic. Just like other world languages as was noted by Givón (1995, 2001), Chinese finiteness is also characteristically gradient, with the least finite forms functioning like a noun and the most finite forms functioning as a declarative sentence with an obligatory aspect particle.

汉语定式句为陈述句，有四个特征：可变、实现、持续和终结。作为陈述句，可变类受词汇限制，不可变动词可直接完句，但不可带体词。可变类分持续和不可持续两类。不可持续的动词无情态助词或完成体标记时不能单独完句。持续类又可分为现实和非现实两类，非现实类否定用“不”，现实类否定用“没(有)”。现实类的标志为四个体标记：非终结性的进行体“在”和非完成体“着”以及终结性的经验体“过”和完成体“了1”。根据Givón (1995, 2001)的理论，具有上述特征的汉语定式系统是一个连续统，一端为作名词用的不定式通用动词，中间为非现实定式陈述句，另一端为动词带有体标记的定式陈述句。

Key words Finiteness, Durationality,  Realis,  Telicity,  Perfective

定式句  持续  现实  终结  完成体

Wh & self: On correlating wh-conditionals and reflexive doubling

疑问词和反身词：谈疑问词条件句与反身重复的类型关联

Wei-Tien Dylan Tsai 

蔡维天

Abstract Chinese wh-conditionals hold a very special status in linguistic typology. Cheng and Huang (1996) argues that the construction can be properly analyzed by treating a pair of identical wh-expressions as syntactic variables unselectively bound by an implicit necessity operator. Over the years, this line of thinking has been challenged by various proposals based on the comparison with indefinites, correlatives, E-type pronouns and questions. This Insight article argues for the unselective binding approach to this particular type of donkey sentences by alluding to quantificational reflexive doubling. Our findings not only lend support to the idea that an operator-variable pair is built on a sentential scale in Chinese, but also call for a fine-grained syntax and semantics of the typological correlations between reflexives and wh-in-situ.

汉语的疑问词条件句在语言类型学中有其特殊的地位：Cheng & Huang (1996)认为，将一对相同的疑问词分析为句法变量，并藉由隐性必要算子进行无择约束，即可正确分析这类结构。基于无定名词组、对接关系句、E型代词和疑问结构的比较，多年来此一思路受到了来自各方的挑战。本文鉴于量化性反身重复的平行用法，指出无择约束仍是这类特殊驴子句的最佳分析。此一发现不仅支持汉语以语句规模来建构「算子─变项」配对的观点，更敦促学界对反身词和在位疑问词的类型关联进行更为细致的句法和语义研究。

Key words Wh-conditionals, Reflexive doubling, Unselective binding, Chinese syntax, Syntax-semantics interface

疑问词条件句  反身重复  无择约束  汉语句法  句法-语义界面

期刊简介

Journal of Chinese Linguistics (JCL) is a peer reviewed academic journal published biannually. Established in 1973, JCL explores Chinese languages and linguistics in the light of human complexity. The journal covers a wide range of areas of research including phonetics, phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics, pragmatics, applied linguistics, historical linguistics, computational linguistics, psycholinguistics, sociolinguistics, neurolinguistics, evolutionary linguistics and any other recognized facet of Chinese linguistics study. The JCL publishing office operated at the University of California at Berkeley, USA, from 1973 to 2007. It was relocated to The Chinese University of Hong Kong in 2008, and expanded its presence in China with the opening of a new office in Beijing Language and Culture University in 2019.

《中国语言学报》(JCL)是采取同行评议的学术期刊，每年两期。本刊成立于1973年，旨在探索人类复杂系统下的中国语言及语言学问题。本刊所涉领域广泛，包括语音学、音韵学、形态学、语法、语义学、语用学、应用语言学、历史语言学、计算语言学、心理语言学、社会语言学、神经语言学、进化语言学等任何既经认可的中国语言学研究方向。期刊编辑部从成立之初（1973年）至2007年在加州大学伯克利分校运营。2008年，编辑部迁至香港中文大学。2019年，JCL在北京语言大学增设编辑部，扩大了本刊在中国大陆的影响力。

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https://www.jclhk.com.hk/

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