LINGUISTIC INQUIRY

Volume 54, Issue1-4, 2023

LINGUISTICS INQUIRY（SSCI二区，2022 IF：1.6，排名：76/194））2023年第1-4期共发文29篇，其中研究性论文16篇，书评7篇，讨论6篇。研究论文涉及名词、轻名词、可数性、回指、省略、被动分词、介词短语、同源词、因果关系等。欢迎转发扩散！（2023年已更完）

往期推荐：

刊讯｜SSCI 期刊《语言学探究》2022年第3-4期

刊讯｜SSCI 期刊《语言学探究》2022年第1-2期

目录

ISSUE 1

ARTICLES

■Locality and Antilocality: The Logic of Conflicting Requirements, by Kenyon Branan, Pages 1–38.

■Cyclic Expansion in Agree: Maximal Projections as Probes, by Emily Clem, Pages 39–78.

■Feature Geometry and Head Splitting in the Wolof Clausal Periphery, by Martina Martinović, Pages 79–116.

■Names, Light Nouns, and Countability, by Friederike Moltmann, Pages 117–146.

REMARKES AND REPLIES

■ The Puzzle of Anaphoric Bare Nouns in Mandarin: A Counterpoint to Index!, by Veneeta Dayal, Li Julie Jiang, Pages 147–167.

SQUIBS AND DISCUSSION

■Suppletion in a Three-Way Number System: Evidence from Creek, by Kimberly Johnson, Pages 169–181.

■When Ellipsis Can Save Defectiveness and When It Can’t, by Gesoel Mendes, Andrew Nevins, Pages 182–196.

■Why Plain Futurates are Different, by Hotze Rullmann, Marianne Huijsmans, Lisa Matthewson, Neda Todorović, Pages 197–208.

■Extended Phase Boundaries and the Spell-Out Trap, by Ken Safir, Pages 209–217.

ISSUE 2

ARTICLES

■Probabilistic Feature Attention as an Alternative to Variables in Phonotactic Learning, by Brandon Prickett, Pages 219–249.

■Supplements without Bidimensionalism, by Philippe Schlenker, Pages 251–297.

REMARKS AND REPLIES

■ Salvation by Deletion in Nupe, by Gesoel Mendes, Jason Kandybowicz, Pages 299–325.

■ Category Mismatches in Coordination Vindicated, by Agnieszka Patejuk, Adam Przepiórkowski, Pages 326–349.

■ Cyclic Selection: Auxiliaries Are Merged, Not Inserted, by Asia Pietraszko, Pages 350–377.

■ The Impersonal Use of German 1st Person Singular Ich, by Sarah Zobel, by Sarah Zobel, Pages 378–394.

SQUIBS AND DISCUSSION

■ Rapa Nui: A Case for Correspondence in Reduplication, by Yifan Yang, Pages 395–412.

■ Case as an Anaphor Agreement Effect: Evidence from Inuktitut, by Michelle Yuan, Pages 413–428.

ISSUE 3 

ARTICLES

■ On the Syntax of Multiple Sluicing and What It Tells Us about Wh-Scope Taking, by Klaus Abels, Veneeta Dayal, Pages 429–477.

■ High and Low Applicatives of Unaccusatives: Dependent Case and the Phase, by Marcel den Dikken, Pages 479–503.

■ Relativized Locality: Phases and Tiers in Long-Distance Allomorphy in Armenian, by Hossep Dolatian, Peter Guekguezian, Pages 505–545.

■ Agreement Shift in Embedded Reports, by Dmitry Ganenkov, Pages 547–570.

■ Quexistentials and Focus, by Kees Hengeveld, Sabine Iatridou, Floris Roelofsen, Pages 571–624.

REMARKS AND REPLIES

■ Definiteness Effect in the PP, by Katalin É. Kiss, Pages 625–648.

ISSUE 4 

ARTICLES

■ Attention and Locality: On Clause-Boundedness and Its Exceptions in Multiple Sluicing, by Matthew Barros, Robert Frank, Pages 649–684.

■ What Divides, and What Unites, Right-Node Raising, by Zoe Belk, Ad Neeleman, Joy Philip, Pages 685–728.

■ Revisiting Passive Participles: Category Status and Internal Structure, by Maša Bešlin, Pages 729–758.

■ Defectivity Matters: Cliticization in French Causatives Revisited, by Xiaoshi Hu, Pages759–796.

■ Serial Reduplication Is Empirically Adequate and Typologically Restrictive, by Andrew Lamont, Pages 797–839.

REMARKS AND REPLIES

■ On Referential Parallelism and Compulsory Binding, by Nicholas Fleisher, Pages841–860.

摘要

Locality and Antilocality: The Logic of Conflicting Requirements

Kenyon Branan, Leibniz-Zentrum für allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft

AbstractThis article discusses what happens when locality requirements—which favor short dependencies—come into conflict with antilocality requirements—which rule out dependencies that are too short. It is argued that in such circumstances, certain locality requirements may be minimally violated so that the antilocality requirement is satisfied. A theory along these lines is shown to derive a pervasive pattern of noniterative symmetry in A-movement—found in Haya and Luganda (Bantu), Tongan (Austronesian), and Japanese—in which the highest two arguments in a domain may undergo A-movement, but A-movement of lower arguments is systematically banned. The article concludes with some discussion of how interactions of this sort might be modeled in the grammar.

Key words syntax, locality, antilocality, passive, scrambling

Cyclic Expansion in Agree: Maximal Projections as Probes

Emily Clem, Department of Linguistics, University of California, San Diego

AbstractWhen we couple the cyclic expansion of a probe’s domain assumed in Cyclic Agree (Rezac 2003, 2004, Béjar and Rezac 2009) with the lack of formal distinction between heads, intermediate projections, and phrases emphasized in Bare Phrase Structure (Chomsky 1995a,b), an interesting prediction arises. Maximal projections should be able to probe through the same mechanisms that allow intermediate projections to probe in familiar cases of Cyclic Agree. I argue that this prediction is borne out. I analyze agreeing adjunct C in Amahuaca (Panoan; Peru) as a maximal projection that probes its c-command domain in second-cycle Agree. This account derives C’s simultaneous sensitivity to DPs within its own clause and in the clause to which it adjoins. Therefore, I conclude that Amahuaca provides evidence that maximal projections can be probes. The account also yields insight into the syntax of switch-reference in Panoan and beyond.

Key words Cyclic Agree, Bare Phrase Structure, complementizer agreement, switch-reference, Amahuaca

Feature Geometry and Head Splitting in the Wolof Clausal Periphery

Martina Martinović, Department of Linguistics, McGill University

AbstractThis article is a study of the morphosyntax of the clausal periphery in Wolof, specifically the two layers commonly labeled CP and IP. It has long been noted that (a) C and I share a number of properties, and (b) languages differ in the amount of structure over which functional features are distributed. I propose a structure-building mechanism that can both explain the C-I relationship and derive the variation in the distribution of features over syntactic heads. I argue that features of C and I are bundled together and that this feature bundle can be divided into multiple heads via Head Splitting, which allows parts of feature bundles to reproject. The proposal is illustrated through a detailed exploration of the C-I domain in Wolof, which bundles C and I into one head in some structures and splits them in others.

Key words cartography, noncartography, head reprojection, head splitting, Wolof

Names, Light Nouns, and Countability

Friederike Moltmann, CNRS-IHPST, Paris and Ca’ Foscari, Venice

AbstractMaking use of Kayne’s (2005, 2010) theory of light nouns, this article argues that light nouns are part of (simple) names and that a mass/count distinction among light nouns explains the behavior of certain types of names in German as mass rather than count. The article elaborates the role of light nouns with new generalizations regarding their linguistic behavior in quantificational and pronominal NPs, their selection of relative pronouns in German, and a general difference in the support of plural anaphora between English and German.

Key words names, proper names, light nouns, special quantifiers, mass/count distinction, location, predicativism

The Puzzle of Anaphoric Bare Nouns in Mandarin: A Counterpoint to Index!

Veneeta Dayal, Department of Linguistics, Yale University

Li Julie Jiang, Department of East Asian Languages and Literatures, University of Hawai‘i at Ma¯noa

AbstractJenks (2018) argues that Mandarin bare NPs cannot be classified as definites simpliciter. Adopting the distinction between weak- and strong-article definites in Schwarz 2009, he proposes that Mandarin makes a lexical distinction between the two types of definites: bare nouns are weak definites, demonstratives are strong definites. He further proposes that their distribution is regulated by a principle called Index!. In this article, we first point out some problems with the empirical generalizations presented in Jenks’s description of Mandarin and then sketch an alternative approach to the distinction between Mandarin demonstratives and bare nouns. We end with some comments about the kind of further empirical work that needs to be done before definitive claims can be made about the competition between demonstratives and other types of definites. 

Key words strong and weak definite articles, bare nouns, demonstratives, Mandarin, crosslinguistic variation, competition

Suppletion in a Three-Way Number System: Evidence from Creek

Kimberly Johnson, Department of Linguistics, The University of Massachusetts Amherst

AbstractSuppletion is central to the debate on the nature of roots: whether roots are characterized by their phonology or are phonologically abstract. Borer (2014) holds that so-called suppletive verbs consist of different phonologically constant roots with overlapping semantics. Harley (2014), however, argues that suppletive verbs instantiate root suppletion: one abstract root with distinct phonological realizations dependent on grammatical environment. This squib presents additional evidence from verbal suppletion in Creek (Muskogean) that supports the view that roots are abstract. Creek suppletive verbs are part of a larger three-way number-marking paradigm and their distribution is dependent on the formal number features of their first argument.

Key words suppletion, roots, number, Distributed Morphology, Muskogean

When Ellipsis Can Save Defectiveness and When It Can’t

Gesoel Mendes, Linguistics Department, University of Maryland

Andrew Nevins, Division of Psychology and Language Sciences, University College London and Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, Faculdade de Letras

AbstractWe discuss cases of salvation and non-salvation by deletion in the domain of lexical gaps, and distinguish two types of defectiveness: (a) defectiveness that can be saved by PF deletion, which we take to signal the lack of an eligible allomorph for certain environments within a language, and (b) defectiveness that cannot be saved by PF deletion, which we take to signal the lack of a proper alloseme for a given environment. With ellipsis modeled as an instruction for nonpronunciation on the PF branch of the grammar, only gaps on the Exponent List can be saved by it. 

Key words lexical gaps, ellipsis, salvation by deletion, allomorphy, allosemy, elsewhere items

Why Plain Futurates are Different

Hotze Rullmann, Department of Linguistics, University of British Columbia

Marianne Huijsmans, Department of Linguistics, University of British Columbia

Lisa Matthewson, Department of Linguistics, University of British Columbia

Neda Todorović, Department of Linguistics, University of British Columbia

AbstractIn English, simple present (plain) and present progressive constructions can make reference to the future, in constructions known as futurates. In previous literature, these two types of futurate have often been discussed separately or treated as more or less equivalent. This squib argues that they convey different meanings: plain futurates presuppose the existence of a schedule, while progressive futurates do not. We propose a formal definition of a schedule and present novel empirical data based on a questionnaire study. We show that plain futurates are restricted to contexts providing a schedule, but progressive futurates are not.

Key words future, present tense, plain futurates, progressive futurates, schedules

Extended Phase Boundaries and the Spell-Out Trap

Ken Safir, Department of Linguistics, Rutgers University

AbstractGrano and Lasnik (2008) argue that phases should be extended if features are still unvalued on the complement of a phase head at the end of what would normally be a phase. Thus, if pronouns are bound variables with unvalued features, then the phase that matters for resolving the unvalued features is extended. However, the one case that their generalization should not cover, namely, local anaphora, suggests that phase extension based on unvalued features is not the right explanation of the bound pronoun effect, and that phases for anaphora are not coordinated with phases that restrict the relations that the bound pronoun effect encompasses.

Key words bound pronoun effect, binding theory, phases, reciprocals, unvalued features, Spell-Out

Probabilistic Feature Attention as an Alternative to Variables in Phonotactic Learning

Brandon Prickett, Department of Linguistics, University of Massachusetts Amherst

Abstract Since Halle 1962, explicit algebraic variables (often called alpha notation) have been commonplace in phonological theory. However, Hayes and Wilson (2008) proposed a variable-free model of phonotactic learning, sparking a debate about whether such algebraic representations are necessary to capture human phonological acquisition. While past experimental work has found evidence that suggested a need for variables in models of phonology (Berent et al. 2012, Moreton 2012, Gallagher 2013), this article presents a novel mechanism, Probabilistic Feature Attention, that allows a variable-free model of phonotactics to predict a number of these phenomena. This approach also captures experimental results involving phonological generalization that cannot be explained by variables. These results cast doubt on whether variables are necessary to capture human-like phonotactic learning and provide a useful alternative to such representations.

Key words phonology, phonotactics, alpha notation, variables, generalization, learning biases

Supplements without Bidimensionalism

Philippe Schlenker, Institut Jean-Nicod, CNRS, UMR 8129, ENS/EHESS, PSL Research University; and Department of Linguistics, New York University

Abstract In seminal work, Potts (2005) claimed that the behavior of “supplements”—appositive relative clauses (ARCs) and nominals—offers a powerful argument in favor of a multidimensional semantics, one in which certain expressions fail to interact scopally with various operators because their meaning is located in a new semantic dimension. Focusing on ARCs, with data from English, French, and German (Poschmann 2018), I explore an alternative to Potts’s bidimensional account in which (a) appositives may be syntactically attached with matrix scope, despite their appearance in embedded positions, as in McCawley 1981; (b) contra McCawley, they may also be syntactically attached within the scope of other operators, in which case they semantically interact with them; (c) they are semantically conjoined with the rest of the sentence, but (d) they give rise to nontrivial projection facts when they do not have matrix scope. In effect, the proposed analysis accounts for most of the complexity of these data by positing a more articulated syntax and pragmatics, while eschewing the use of a new dimension of meaning.

Key words supplements, appositives, nonrestrictive relative clauses, bidimensionalism, parentheticals

Salvation by Deletion in Nupe

Gesoel Mendes, Linguistics Department, University of Maryland

Jason Kandybowicz, Linguistics Program, The Graduate Center, City University of New York

Abstract This article presents novel data from ellipsis in Nupe, a Benue-Congo language of Nigeria, and explores its theoretical implications. Three claims are made. First, sluicing in Nupe counterexemplifies Merchant’s (2001) Sluicing-COMP Generalization. Second, ungrammatical outputs resulting from extraction from perfect clauses are salvaged by ellipsis, arguing against Kandybowicz’s (2009) analysis where such a restriction is a narrow-syntax derivational constraint. Third, COMP-trace effects in Nupe are also repaired under ellipsis, lending support to Kandybowicz’s (2009) claim that the Nupe COMP-trace effect is an interface phenomenon. Our findings provide evidence for the claim that ellipsis can repair certain otherwise ill-formed structures.

Key words Nupe, ellipsis, Sluicing-COMP Generalization, extraction asymmetry, salvation by deletion, Cyclic Linearization

Category Mismatches in Coordination Vindicated

Agnieszka Patejuk, Institute of Computer Science, Polish Academy of Sciences; and Faculty of Linguistics, Philology and Phonetics, University of Oxford

Adam Przepiórkowski, Institute of Computer Science, Polish Academy of Sciences; Institute of Philosophy, University of Warsaw; and Faculty of Linguistics, Philology and Phonetics, University of Oxford

Abstract Bruening and Al Khalaf (2020) deny the possibility of coordination of unlike categories. They use three mechanisms to reanalyze such coordination as involving same categories: conjunction reduction, super-categories, and empty heads. We show that their proposal leaves many cases of unlike category coordination unaccounted for, and we point out various methodological, technical, and empirical problems that it faces. We conclude that the so-called Law of the Coordination of Likes is a myth. Instead, all conjuncts must satisfy any external restrictions on the syntactic position they occupy. Such restrictions may be rigid, resulting in categorial sameness, but when they are underspecified or disjunctive, category “mismatches” may arise.

Key words unlike category coordination, empty heads, supercategories, conjunction reduction, coordination

Cyclic Selection: Auxiliaries Are Merged, Not Inserted

Asia Pietraszko, Department of Linguistics, University of Rochester

Abstract Traditional approaches to verbal periphrasis (compound tenses) treat auxiliary verbs as lexical items that enter syntactic derivation like any other lexical item, via Selection/Merge. An alternative view is that auxiliary verbs are inserted into a previously built structure (e.g., Bach 1967, Arregi 2000, Embick 2000, Cowper 2010, Bjorkman 2011, Arregi and Klecha 2015). Arguments for the insertion approach include auxiliaries’ last-resort distribution and the fact that, in many languages, auxiliaries are not systematically associated with a given inflectional category (Bjorkman’s (2011) “overflow” distribution). Here, I argue against the insertion approach. I demonstrate that the overflow pattern and last-resort distribution follow from Cyclic Selection (Pietraszko 2017)—a Merge counterpart of Cyclic Agree (Béjar and Rezac 2009). I also show that the insertion approach makes wrong predictions about compound tenses in Swahili, a language with overflow periphrasis. Under my approach, an auxiliary verb is a verbal head externally merged as a specifier of a functional head, such as T. It then undergoes m-merger with that head, instantiating an External-Merge version of Matushansky’s (2006) conception of head movement.

Key words selection, cyclicity, auxiliaries, synthesis, periphrasis, Swahili

The Impersonal Use of German 1st Person Singular Ich

Sarah Zobel, Institutt for lingvistiske og nordiske studier, Universitetet i Oslo

Abstract This article replies to Ackema and Neeleman’s (2018) claim that 1st person singular pronouns are grammatically blocked from having impersonal uses. In connection with this claim, they argue that the impersonal use of German 1st person singular ich described in Zobel 2014 does not exist. I show that Ackema and Neeleman’s alternative analysis of the German data analyzed in Zobel 2014 is flawed, and that new considerations inspired by their proposal further support the claim that German ich has an impersonal use. This result has ramifications not only for Ackema and Neeleman’s account of the morphosyntax and semantics of (impersonally usable) personal pronouns, but also for anyone researching the morphosyntax and semantics of pronominal expressions and how these interact.

Key words impersonal use, 1st person singular pronouns, German ich, weak free adjuncts, predicative als-phrases

Rapa Nui: A Case for Correspondence in Reduplication

Yifan Yang, Department of Linguistics, University of Southern California

Abstract This squib argues for the role of correspondence in reduplication by examining the vowel length alternations in Rapa Nui reduplication. The analysis shows that vowel shortening in the base after reduplication is due to the enforcement of vowel length identity through Base-Reduplicant correspondence, while the motivation of vowel shortening is problematic for theories without surface-to-surface correspondence. The findings suggest that reduplication-phonology interactions cannot be handled solely by serialism or cyclicity, and a parallel Optimality Theory evaluation with BR correspondence is supported.

Key words reduplication, reduplication-phonology interactions, correspondence, parallelism, serialism, backcopying

Case as an Anaphor Agreement Effect: Evidence from Inuktitut

Michelle Yuan, Department of Linguistics, University of California

Abstract The anaphor agreement effect (AAE) is the crosslinguistic inability for anaphors to covary with φ-agreement (Rizzi 1990, Woolford 1999); languages use various strategies that conspire to circumvent this effect. In this squib, I identify and confirm a prediction arising from two previous observations by Woolford (1999) concerning the scope of the AAE, based on new evidence from Inuktitut (Eastern Canadian Inuit). I propose that anaphors in Inuktitut are lexically specified as projecting additional syntactic structure, spelled out as oblique case morphology; because φ-Agree in Inuktitut may only target ERG and ABS arguments, encountering an anaphor inevitably leads to failed Agree in the sense of Preminger 2011, 2014. I moreover argue that this exact AAE pattern is previously unattested, yet is predicted to arise given the range of existing strategies. Finally, this squib provides evidence against previous detransitivization-based approaches to reflexivity in Inuktitut (e.g., Bok-Bennema 1991).

Key words syntax, case, agreement, anaphors, Inuktitut, Inuit

On the Syntax of Multiple Sluicing and What It Tells Us about Wh-Scope Taking

Klaus Abels, Department of Linguistics, University College London

Veneeta Dayal, Department of Linguistics, Yale University

Abstract Across many languages, multiple sluicing obeys a clausemate constraint. This can be understood on the empirically well-supported assumption that covert phrasal wh-movement is clause-bounded and subject to Superiority. We provide independent evidence for syntactic structure at the ellipsis site and for locality constraints on movement operations within the ellipsis site. The fact that the distribution of multiple sluicing is substantially narrower than that of multiple wh-questions, on their single-pair as well as their pair-list reading, entails that there must be mechanisms for scoping in-situ wh-phrases that do not rely on covert phrasal wh-movement. We adopt the choice-functional account for single-pair readings. For pair-list readings, we develop a novel functional analysis, argue for the functional basis of pair-list readings, and present a new perspective on pair-list readings of questions with quantifiers.

Key words syntax, locality, sluicing, ellipsis, multiple sluicing, syntax-semantics interface, wh-scope, covert movement, wh-in-situ, multiple wh-questions, Skolem functions, questions with quantifiers

High and Low Applicatives of Unaccusatives: Dependent Case and the Phase

Marcel den Dikken, Department of English Linguistics, Eötvös Loránd University, and Hungarian Research Centre for Linguistics

Abstract The principal objective of this article is to establish a direct relationship between the structural height of the base position of the applied argument and the case and promotion-to-subject patterns observed in applicative constructions, with particular reference to applicatives of unaccusatives. The article achieves this through an approach exploiting dependent case, with the domains relevant for dependent case assignment being identified as phases, defined as (a) complete predicate-argument structures and (b) propositions. By making argument structure a defining ingredient of the delineation of phases, the article distills precise and accurate predictions about the interaction between the base-generation site of the applied object and the case patterns of unaccusative constructions featuring such an object, improving on the efficacy of previous accounts. In the process, the article reexamines the syntactic status of constituents located on the edge of a phase.

Key words applicative, unaccusative, dependent case, phase, edge

Relativized Locality: Phases and Tiers in Long-Distance Allomorphy in Armenian

Hossep Dolatian, Department of Linguistics, Stony Brook University

Peter Guekguezian, Department of Linguistics, University of Rochester

Abstract Linguistic processes tend to respect locality constraints. In this article, we analyze the distribution of conjugation classes in Armenian verbs. We analyze a type of tense allomorphy that applies across these classes. We show that on the surface, this allomorphy is long-distance. Specifically, it is sensitive to the interaction of multiple morphemes that are neither linearly nor structurally adjacent. However, we argue that this allomorphy respects “relativized adjacency” (Toosarvandani 2016) or tier-based locality (Aksënova, Graf, and Moradi 2016). While not surface-local, the interaction in Armenian verbs is local on a tier projected from morphological features. This formal property of tier-based locality is substantively manifested as phase-based locality in Armenian (cf. Marvin 2002). In addition to being well-studied computationally, tier-based locality allows us to capture superficially nonlocal morphological processes while respecting the crosslinguistic tendency of locality. We speculate that tier-based locality is a crosslinguistic tendency in long-distance allomorphy, while phase-based locality is not necessarily so.

Key words phase, theme vowel, tier, allomorphy, locality, morphologically conditioned allomorphy, phase-based locality, tier-based locality, locality domains, long-distance allomorphy

Agreement Shift in Embedded Reports

Dmitry Ganenkov, Department of English and American Studies, Humboldt University of Berlin

Abstract The article discusses person agreement in embedded reports in Aqusha Dargwa (Nakh-Daghestanian). In contrast to root clauses, which have obligatory person agreement matching the features of the controller, finite embedded reports allow pronoun-agreement mismatches, such as third person agreement in the presence of a first person singular subject or first person singular agreement in the presence of a third person subject. I argue that person agreement in Aqusha can function in two different modes—plain ϕ-feature mode and logophoric mode—depending on whether person morphology responds to usual morphological person features or to discourse-related logophoric features. Concentrating on the logophoric mode, I propose that the left periphery of finite embedded reports contains a logophoric complementizer that carries the discourse feature [LOG] and a null pronominal in its specifier specified as [ATTITUDE HOLDER].

Key words attitude reports, personal pronouns, person agreement, Nakh-Daghestanian, Dargwa

Quexistentials and Focus

Kees Hengeveld, Amsterdam Center for Language and Communication University of Amsterdam

Sabine Iatridou, Department of Linguistics and Philosophy MIT

Floris Roelofsen, ILLC, University of Amsterdam

Abstract Many languages have words that can be interpreted either as question words or as existentials. We call such words quexistentials. It has been claimed in the literature (e.g., Haida 2007) that, across languages, quexistentials are (a) always focused on their interrogative interpretation and (b) never focused on their existential interpretation. We refer to this as the quexistential-focus biconditional. The article makes two contributions. The first is that we offer a possible explanation for one direction of the biconditional: the fact that quexistentials are generally contrastively focused on their interrogative use. We argue that this should be seen as a particular instance of an even more general fact—namely, that interrogative words (quexistential or not) are always contrastively focused—and propose an account for this fact. The second contribution of the article concerns the other direction of the biconditional. We present evidence that, at least at face value, suggests that focus on a quexistential does not necessarily preclude an existential interpretation. Specifically, we show that it is possible for Dutch wat to be interpreted existentially even when it is focused. We attempt to explain this phenomenon.

Key words quexistentials, focus, interrogatives, indefinites

Definiteness Effect in the PP

Katalin É. Kiss, Hungarian Research Centre for Linguistics

Abstract This article demonstrates that abessive PPs impose the same type of definiteness restriction on their complements that existential predicates impose on their subjects. The definiteness effect (DE) in PPs is accounted for in the framework of the DE theory of Szabolcsi (1986a,b, 1992), who derives the DE from the incompatibility of a presuppositional subject and a logical predicate of existence that is present in a wide class of predicates (including verbs meaning ‘(cause to) come to exist in a particular fashion’ and nominal predicates meaning ‘(non)existence at a particular location’). The analysis points out this predicate of existence in the small clause complements of abessive Ps.

Key words definiteness effect, PP structure, abessive P, existential sentence, verb of coming into being, verb of creation

Attention and Locality: On Clause-Boundedness and Its Exceptions in Multiple Sluicing

Matthew Barros, Department of Philosophy, Washington University in St. Louis

Robert Frank, Department of Linguistics, Yale University

Abstract We provide an account of clause-boundedness in multiple sluicing that also captures its exceptions. Clause-boundedness arises whenever an embedded clause’s subject is not coreferential with a topical discourse referent in the embedding clause. Our account ties clause-boundedness to discourse factors. We discuss implementations that import sensitivity to information structure into the syntax, and compare our approach with recent work—in particular, Grano and Lasnik 2018 and “short source” accounts (most recently, Abels and Dayal 2017, 2021)—and demonstrate that these accounts both under- and overgenerate. The empirical coverage of our account argues against purely syntacticized agreement-based approaches to clause-boundedness.

Key words locality, clause-boundedness, multiple sluicing, binding, discourse topic, Centering Theory

What Divides, and What Unites, Right-Node Raising

Zoe Belk, UCL Linguistics

Ad Neeleman, UCL Linguistics

Joy Philip, UCL Linguistics

Abstract We argue, following Barros and Vicente (2011), that right-node raising (RNR) results from either ellipsis or multidominance. Four considerations support this claim. (a) RNR has properties of ellipsis and of multidominance. (b) Where these are combined, the structure results from repeated RNR: a pivot created through ellipsis contains a right-peripheral secondary pivot created through multidominance. (c) In certain circumstances, one or the other derivation is blocked, so that RNR behaves like pure ellipsis or pure multidominance. (d) Linearization of RNR-as-multidominance requires pruning. The same pruning operation delivers RNR-as-ellipsis, which explains why the two derivations must meet the same ordering constraints.

Key words right-node raising, multidominance, ellipsis, coordination

Revisiting Passive Participles: Category Status and Internal Structure

Maša Bešlin, Department of Linguistics, University of Maryland

Abstract This article challenges the view that eventive and stative passive participles are verbs and adjectives, respectively. Instead, I argue that existing diagnostics are sensitive to the eventive/stative contrast and to independent restrictions on word order. I show that both eventive and stative participles in Serbo-Croatian have the external syntax and morphology of adjectives, and propose that passive participles in various languages are adjectives that embed varying amounts of verbal structure. Finally, I contend that agentive phrases are always available with stative participles that entail a prior event in languages that obligatorily express grammatical aspect on the verb stem.

Key words passive participle, deverbal adjective, argument structure, Voice, Distributed Morphology, Serbo-Croatian

Defectivity Matters: Cliticization in French Causatives Revisited

Xiaoshi Hu, Department of Foreign Languages and Literatures Tsinghua University

Abstract On the basis of revised syntactic structures for the French faire-causatives, this article argues that the placement of various clitics in these causatives can be accounted for by making reference to the feature defectivity/completeness of clitics and that of their host. I show that the faire-à construction involves a biclausal structure, where the raised causativized v in the embedded clause is defective and activates the object to prepose. In addition, I identify four types of clitics with respect to their feature contents, which are licensed by different applications of three syntactic dependency operations: Agree-match, Agree-value, and Agree-check.

Key words French faire-causatives, cliticization, completeness/defectivity of ϕ-features, Case, Agree

Serial Reduplication Is Empirically Adequate and Typologically Restrictive

Andrew Lamont, Department of Linguistics, University of Massachusetts Amherst

Abstract Wei and Walker (2020) and Zymet (2018) claim that derivational lookahead effects are attested in the interactions between reduplication and other phonological processes in Mbe and Logoori, respectively. On the basis of this evidence, they argue that reduplication in these languages cannot be modeled by Serial Template Satisfaction (McCarthy, Kimper, and Mullin 2012), a theory of reduplication set in Harmonic Serialism. This article refutes these claims and provides serial analyses for both languages. It further identifies a novel prediction of Base-Reduplicant Correspondence Theory (McCarthy and Prince 1994, 1995, 1999), a parallel theory of reduplication, that reduplicants may surface with marked structures unattested elsewhere in the language, and it demonstrates that these patterns are not replicated in serial.

Key words derivational lookahead, reduplication, Mbe, Logoori, Harmonic Serialism, Serial Template Satisfaction, Base-Reduplicant Correspondence Theory, the emergence of the marked

On Referential Parallelism and Compulsory Binding

Nicholas Fleisher, Department of Linguistics, University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee

Abstract Binding and ellipsis are empirically and theoretically symbiotic: each reveals otherwise hidden facts about the other. Here I investigate a case where a theory of binding is entwined with a problematic ellipsis- licensing mechanism, with the result that there are strong reasons to abandon both. The ellipsislicensing mechanism in question is Referential Parallelism (Fox 2000), according to which a bound pronoun may support strict identity under ellipsis. Jettisoning this mechanism forces us to abandon theories of binding that involve what I call compulsory binding, which encode a grammatical preference for binding over coreference and for local over nonlocal binding (Reinhart 1983, Grodzinsky and Reinhart 1993, Fox 2000, Büring 2005). In their place, I suggest that we adopt what I call the violation equivalence approach to binding (Heim 1993, Reinhart 2006, Roelofsen 2010) and a Foxstyle ellipsis-licensing mechanism based on formal alternatives (Katzir 2007, Fox and Katzir 2011).

Key words ellipsis, binding, alternatives, parallelism

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